When you consider that the average recruiter spends 6 minutes reading a resume, you can understand how important the appearance of the resume can be when making a selection.
If you are designing your own law student resume, you need to follow a few rules to make sure that its format will not leave anything to be desired. First, use a font size that is readable - with a few exceptions, fonts that are less than 11 points are simply too small. If a resume reader is straining to read your resume, your 6-minute review may quickly turn into 3 minutes or less. Also, choose fonts that are easy to read, such as Times New Roman, Arial, Verdana, Palatino, or other book print fonts. If you are using different styles (underline, bold, italics, CAPS, etc.) to call attention to different sections of your law student resume, use these highlights sparingly. Most other studies measure lawyer effectiveness through indicators like acquittal rates, but we used the one thing criminal defendants care about most: the amount of jail or prison time they receive. Thus, acquittals counted as zero. Probationary sentences likewise counted as zero, unless the probation was combined with some jail time.
We counted halfway-house sentences as 120 days, which is typical for Denver defendants. We counted the initial length of a prison sentence without decreasing it for early release or increasing it for parole violations. Life sentences we arbitrarily counted as 110 years.
My economist friends were able to use regression analyses to control for other variables (such as whether a case was plea bargained or went to trial), to minimize the chance that the differences we found were caused by factors other than effectiveness. They also used regressions with different combinations of variables, to ensure that our results were not sensitive to a particular variable.
The results were surprising. The average sentence for clients of public defenders was almost three years longer than the average for clients of private lawyers.
But our most notable finding was hidden in one of the variables we had controlled - the seriousness of the case. We had assumed that public defenders on average handled more serious cases than private lawyers, if for no other reason than that such cases carry higher bonds, and defendants who can't make those bonds are often rendered indigent by their pretrial incarceration. The length of their clients' sentences would of course be distorted by the fact that they handle more serious cases with longer potential sentences.
But when we removed the control for the seriousness of the crime, public defenders performed relatively worse, not better (five years more incarceration versus three years more).
When we examined the seriousness of the cases handled by each type of lawyer, we discovered not only that private lawyers tend to handle more serious cases, but also that as the seriousness of the case increases, the chances that a private lawyer is handling it also increases. What in the world could explain such a result?
It turns out that the explanation, at least in part, is one that should put a smile on the face of all free-marketers and rational choice theorists: criminal defendants, just like any other consumers of services, appear to be making choices based on their rational assessments of costs and benefits. But, you might ask, do criminal defendants ever really have a choice between public defenders and private counsel? It appears many do.
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